Aggregation

"Mts Beetle" is listed as the enslaver of Margurit, a resident of Bohemia, in 1798. In 1790, there are several households headed by Beedle in Cecil County, Maryland.

"Mr. Pennington" is listed as an enslaver of Moses, who is listed in the census of residents of Bohemia in the Bohemia Plantation Register. In the 1800 federal census, Benjamin Pennington is listed as the head of a household of 12 people, including 5 enslaved people, at Bohemia Manor in Cecil County, Maryland.

"Mr. Hantz" is listed as an enslaver of a woman Mary, who was listed in the Bohemia Register as a resident of that plantation between 1800 and 1801.

"Reignolds" and "Reynolds" (sometimes abbreviated as "Reign's") is a tenant farmer and enslaver at Bohemia Manor between 1798 and 1801. The census taken by the plantation superintendents listed several white men with that surname, including Jeremiah Reignolds Sr., Jeremiah Reignolds Jr., Wm. Reignolds, and Jacob Reignolds.

Thomas Nowland was a tenant and an enslaver at Bohemia Manor plantation between 1798 and 1801. The census recorded in the Bohemia Records Book also lists other people with the surname Nowland.

"Gribbin" is listed as an enslaver on the census of Bohemia Plantation census between 1799 and 1801. During those years, there are three entries for white tenants with that surname, including "Misrs Gribbin" (1800), "Young Gribbin at Craddocks" (1801), "Moses Gribbin at Craddocks" (1801).

Mr. Milligan is listed as an enslaver of a person on the Bohemia Plantation in 1798. The 1790 federal census includes listings for households headed by Robert Milligan, Esquire (including 34 enslaved people) in West Sassafras Hundred, Cecil County, Maryland.

"Mr. Craddock" is listed as an enslaver of a person in the 1801 census of the Bohemia Plantation. That Bohemia records also list several members of the Craddock family, including Thomas, Daniel, and William, as tenants.

"Mr. Counsell" is listed as an enslaver on the census of Bohemia Plantation census in 1798. That year, three white men are listed in the census with that name, including Liver Counsell, E.C. Counsell, and James Counsell, as tenants.

Frisbey Lloyd , noted by the superintendent of Bohemia Manor as Loyd, is the enslaver of several residents of Bohemia Manor between 1798 and 1801. In the 1800 census, he is listed as the head of a household that included 16 enslaved people in North Sassafras, Cecil County, Maryland.

James O'Donald was a white tenant of Bohemia Manor between 1799 and 1801 who was also an enslaver.

An enslaver of one of the people at the Bohemia Manor plantation.

Richard McIlwaine, in his Memoirs, recalls an enslaved woman, "Aunt" Rachel, preparing meals and hosting students at the cabin she shared with her husband, Davy Ross

Enslaved woman, referred to as "Aunt" Rachel, was the wife of "negro janitor" Davy Ross and whose cabin was on or adjacent to the campus

"...Some time since about the year 1814 he purchased himself form his master who was about to remove out of this State. He was induced so to do chiefly on account of his family who could not be carried with his master because they belonged to others who were unwilling to sell them. Your Petitioner has since resided in this state as the property of a gentleman who lent him a part of the money which he paid for himself. Since which time he has returned the money advanced and now resides in the County of Prince Edward."

James Madison was the fourth president of the United States and sat on the Board of Trustees of Hampden-Sydney College.

Billy Brown, a 'free man of colour,' had purchased his freedom 9 years earlier and since that time, had been employed by H-SC. Learning that the laws of Virginia required manumitted slaves to leave the state, he petitioned the Virginia General Assembly to be allowed to remain. A number of prominent white men signed the petition attesting to his character but the GA denied the petition. This event chronicles the filing of his second petition, also denied.

Billy Brown, a 'free man of colour,' had purchased his freedom 9 years earlier and since that time, had been employed by H-SC. Learning that the laws of Virginia required manumitted slaves to leave the state, he petitioned the Virginia General Assembly to be allowed to remain. A number of prominent white men signed the petition attesting to his character but the GA denied the petition.

Record of charge to Vincent Wrenn for "hire of Charles, Amy, and Child to December 25th 1783" for tobacco, December 25, 1782.

Record of payment from William Gaines for "John, purchased of Ira Graves" for 75 pounds, June 19, 1784.

Surgeon John Peter Mettauer published an article describing surgeries he had undertaken to relieve the occurance of vesico-vaginal fistula in two subjects: one a 34-year old woman, and the other a 20-year old woman, described as a servant and presumably enslaved. In his article, Mettauer describes operating on the latter woman at least eight times, at least twice a year, until he "relinquished the case." Though Mettauer considered the surgical procedure on the 34-year old woman successful, all of the operations on the 20-year old woman ended in failure, which Mettauer attributed to "sexual intercourse" which he believed "defeated several of the operations."

John Peter Mettauer graduated from Hampden-Sydney College in 1811. After attending medical school at the University of Pennsylvania, Mettauer returned to Prince Edward County, Virginia, and opened his own medical institute in 1867.

The Prince Edward Medical Institute was founded by John Peter Mettauer in Prince Edward County, Virginia, in 1837. After operating independently for 10 years, the Institute became associated with Randolph-Macon College in 1847 and was known as the Medical Department of Randolph-Macon College.

Henrico County is a county in the state of Virginia.

Phill, a Black woman or girl, ran away from Samuel Hallett of Hallett's Cove (present-day Astoria, Queens, New York) around June 1763. Her age at the time of this event is unknown. Phill's primary enslaver was James Neilson of New Brunswick, New Jersey, and it is unclear how long Phill was living with or working for Samuel Hallett in New York prior to her escape. A runaway advertisement offering a reward of twenty shillings for Phill's capture and return was published in the newspaper called The New-York Gazette, or, the Weekly Post-Boy on June 16, 1763. In addition to Samuel Hallett and James Neilson, the ad mentioned that Phill could be brought to James Abeel in New York if she was captured. James Abeel was the husband of James Neilson's niece Gertrude Neilson Abeel, and evidently he was ready to assist James Neilson in capturing Phill. The full text of the runaway ad follows below: "RUN away, last Night, from Samuel Hallett, of Hallett's Cove, a Negro Girl, named Phill, belonging to James Neilson, Esq; of New-Brunswick, about five Feet high, well made, and pretty Black. Whoever will take up and secure the said Wench, or bring her to said Hallett, or James Abeel, in New-York, or to her said Master, at New-Brunswick, shall receive TWENTY SHILLINGS Reward, and all reasonable Charges, by either of the above mentioned Persons."

Col. James Abeel was born in Albany, New York, and lived in New Jersey for much of his adult life. He served in the Revolutionary War and was quartermaster on General Washington's staff. He was the son of David Abeel and Mary Duyckick. By marriage to Gertrude Neilson, he was the brother-in-law of John Neilson (1745-1833) of New Brunswick, NJ. James Abeel died in New Brunswick, NJ.

Samuel Hallett was an enslaver who resided at Hallett's Cove, New York, in the mid 18th century.

Phill was enslaved by James Neilson of New Brunswick, New Jersey, in the mid-18th century. While she was enslaved by Neilson, she worked for a time for Samuel Hallett of Hallett's Cove (in present-day Queens, New York). She ran away from Hallett's Cove in 1763, prompting James Neilson to publish a runaway notice offering a reward of twenty shillings for Phill's capture and return.

A Black man was mentioned in a letter by the Rev. Jacob Rutsen Hardenbergh in 1777. The man's name was not recorded in the letter, and nothing further is known about him aside from his presence at Hardenbergh's home when the letter was written.

On April 24, 1798, Thomas Read and Archibald Read sold a Black man named Tony to John Neilson of New Brunswick, NJ, for a term of 5 years. John Neilson paid 100 dollars for Tony (50 dollars to each of Tony's two sellers). Tony was an adult at this time, but his age was not recorded in the relevant documents. The sellers were the sons of the late Rev. Israel Read (late long-time pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Bound Brook in Somerset County), and they had inherited Tony from their father when he passed away in 1793. Where exactly Tony lived between 1793 and this sale in 1798 is unclear. The Read brothers grew up in Bound Brook, but Dr. Thomas Read lived in Montgomery County in upstate New York in 1798. He personally came to New Brunswick to sign the sale documents. Archibald Read probably also lived outside of the area by 1798 because he did not personally appear at the sale. Archibald had the executor of his father's estate, Dr. Moses Scott, sign the documents and accept the payment on his behalf. As the result of this sale, Tony would go to live with John Neilson in New Brunswick. Two archival documents pertaining to the sale were preserved in the Neilson Family Papers. Both documents were dated April 24, 1798. In the documents, the sellers' family name is variously spelled Read or Reed, and the name of the enslaved man is variously written as Tony or Tone. The first document is an indenture for Tony, an agreement between the sellers Thomas Read and Archibald Read (signed by Moses Scott on Archibald's behalf) and the buyer John Neilson. This indenture was witnessed by Judge Elijah Phillips and Joseph W. Scott. The indenture stated that Tony was sold for a period of 5 years from the date of the sale. The indenture did not explicitly state what would happen to Tony after the 5-year term, but it said that Thomas and Archibald "divest themselves of all right & title in the said negro man Tony." This seems to imply that Tony was supposed to gain freedom at the expiration of the 5-year term in 1803 and would not return to the Read family. The second document is a certification of Tony's consent to be sold to John Neilson for the 5-year term. This certification was signed by Elijah Phillips, Judge of the Common Pleas for Middlesex County, who noted that Tony personally appeared before him and agreed to the terms of the sale. See the linked sources for the complete transcripts of the documents.

The will of the Rev. Israel Read (pastor of the Bound Brook Presbyterian Church) was written on December 1, 1785, in Piscataway, NJ. The will abstract mentions several enslaved persons, including a man named Toone (referred to as Tony in other archival documents): "Negro man, Toone, to be kept by sons." The sons of Israel Read were named Thomas and Archibald.

Dine was sold by the executors of the estate of the Rev. Joseph Clark (late pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of New Brunswick) in 1815 to George Farmer. Clark had left his estate to wife Margaret Clark (who died shortly after him in 1814) and his children, naming several prominent members of his church as executors of his will. On April 21, 1814, John Neilson and John Pool, two of the executors of Clark's estate, placed a sale advertisement for two Black women in the New Brunswick newspaper the Fredonian. The ad also mentioned that buyers could inquire with "P. I. Clark" which refers to Joseph Clark's son Peter Imlay Clark, although he was not one of the executors of his father's estate. The text of the ad was as follows: "For Sale, TWO BLACK WOMEN, Belonging to the estate of Rev. Dr. J. Clark, dec— one in her 25th the other in her 18th year. They are sober, honest, and industrious. For terms enquire of JOHN NEILSON, JOHN POOL, Executers. Or of P.I. CLARK. Also for sale— A CHAIR AND HARNESS. April 21." Although the ad did not mention the women's names, we are able to identify the women as Grace and Dine based on related receipts that were preserved in the Neilson Family Papers at Rutgers Special Collections and University Archives. Dine was the younger of the two women, aged approximately 17 when the ad was published. It took approximately a year for the executors to complete Dine's sale. George Farmer paid 75 dollars for Dine to John Neilson. On April 17, 1815, John Neilson delivered the payment of 75 dollars for the sale to Hannah, the daughter of the late Joseph Clark. This was part of Hannah's inheritance. Hannah Clark issued John Neilson a receipt for the money. The following is a transcript of the receipt: "New Brunswick 17th April 1815 Received from John Neilson seventy five dollars received by him as Excr of the est. of Revd. Docr Jos. Clark from George Farmer for black girl Dine sold by the Executor to the said Geo Farmer Hannah Clark"

Grace was sold by the executors of the estate of the Rev. Joseph Clark (late pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of New Brunswick) in 1814 to a man named Mr. Linn. Clark had left his estate to wife Margaret Clark and his children, naming several prominent members of his church as executors of his will. On April 21, 1814, John Neilson and John Pool, two of the executors of Clark's estate, placed a sale advertisement for two Black women in the New Brunswick newspaper the Fredonian. The ad also mentioned that buyers could inquire with "P. I. Clark" which refers to Joseph Clark's son Peter Imlay Clark, although he was not one of the executors of his father's estate. The text of the ad was as follows: "For Sale, TWO BLACK WOMEN, Belonging to the estate of Rev. Dr. J. Clark, dec— one in her 25th the other in her 18th year. They are sober, honest, and industrious. For terms enquire of JOHN NEILSON, JOHN POOL, Executers. Or of P.I. CLARK. Also for sale— A CHAIR AND HARNESS. April 21." Although the ad did not mention the women's names, we are able to identify the women as Grace and Dine based on related receipts that were preserved in the Neilson Family Papers at Rutgers Special Collections and University Archives. Since Grace is known to have given a birth to a son in 1806, we can be certain that Grace is the older of the two women mentioned in the ad, being aged 24 to 25 when the sale took place. Grace was sold to Mr. Linn sometime between April 21 and August 4, 1814, for the sum of 150 dollars. On August 4, 1814, John Neilson delivered the payment of 150 dollars for Grace's sale to Margaret Clark, the widow of Joseph Clark. Neilson obtained a receipt from Margaret Clark, which was actually signed by Margaret's daughter Hannah Clark on Margaret's behalf. The following is a transcript of the receipt: "New Brunswick 4 August 1814 Received from John Neilson one hundred & fifty dollars which he received from Mr. Linn for a black girl Grace belonging to the estate of the late Revd Doctr Clark sold to the said Mr. Linn. Margaret Clark by Hannah Clark"

Elizabeth, a Black woman, was sold by the Middlesex County sheriff at a public auction as a result of a lawsuit. It appears that Elizabeth's enslaver John Powers was indebted to Staats Van Deursen (treasurer of Queen's College). Staats Van Deursen brought a lawsuit against John Powers, and a Writ of Execution was issued ordering the sheriff to sell Elizabeth at public auction. Sheriff Abraham Van Arsdalen sold Elizabeth to James Neilson (trustee and benefactor of Queen's College, later Rutgers University) on January 3, 1815, for the sum of 250 dollars. On January 23, 1815, James Neilson paid the sheriff for the sale and took possession of Elizabeth, as shown in a receipt issued by the sheriff on that date. --- The following is a transcript of the receipt: "Rec'd New Brunswick 23d January 1815 from Mr. James Neilson two hundred & fifty Dollars in full payment of a certain Negro Woman named Elizabeth, belonging to the personal estate of John Powers, sold by me on the 3d day of January Inst by Writ of an Execution at the suit of Staats Van Deursen which negro I do hereby deliver to his possession. $250 Abrm Van Arsdalen Sheriff"

Correspondence between Col. John Neilson of New Brunswick and the Rev. Robert Finley of Princeton in February 1794 discussed Neilson's plans to purchase Jef from Mr. Mattison of Princeton for the sum of 90 pounds. It is unclear whether this sale was ever finalized. In a letter sent on February 25, 1794, Neilson asked his friend Finley to discreetly find out information about Jef's skills and character. Neilson sought information from someone other than Mr. Mattison and hoped to get an honest assessment of Jef's personality and habits. On February 27, 1794, Finley sent a reply saying that he had asked around and obtained information from Samuel Snowden, who had lived with Mattison and was well acquainted with Jef. The name Samuel Snowden mentioned by Finley in the letter likely refers to the Rev. Samuel Finley Snowden (1767-1845), a Presbyterian minister who was studying theology in Princeton at the time and would become the pastor of the Princeton church in 1795. Finley's letter described Jef as a healthy and sober young man 21 years of age. Jef was skilled at tending a kitchen garden and had limited experience managing horses—an activity that he seemed to like. Finley also noted that Jef routinely left the household at night because he was lonely at Mattison's home. Most likely, this means that Jef was separated from his family at Mattison's and had to go outside of the household in order to see his loved ones. This was a common situation for enslaved young adults in New Jersey who often experienced isolation in white households and were at a considerable distance from their own family members. For the full transcript of the two letters, see the linked source documents.

Mr. Mattison of Princeton sold Jef to one Mr. Kelsey for the sum of 90 pounds when Jef was aged approximately 21 or younger. Subsequently, the sale was reversed and Jef was returned to Mattison's household at the request of Mr. Mattison's wife. The date of this sale event is unknown, but it occurred sometime before February 24, 1794, when Robert Finley of Princeton mentioned this situation in a letter to his friend Col. John Neilson of New Brunswick. Neilson had asked Finley about the possibility of purchasing Jef for 90 pounds. Finley wrote to Neilson about Jef: "He was once sold to Mr. Kelsey for the sum mentioned in your letter but taken back at the request of his present Mistress."

Seven enslaved people, including Dinah, were mentioned in the Athens Manufacturing Company minutes as property. Partial Transcript: " It is agreed that the value of the lands, water privileges, mills, factory buildings, as they stood on the first day of January last together with the Smith's tools, wagon + team, and the stock of wool, also seven negroes viz. Ezekiel, a man, Dinah, his wife with their two children, Bob, Cuffee + Charles."

Dinah was an enslaved person who worked at the Athens Manufacturing Company. Her husband, Ezekiel, and their two children also worked there.

Cuffee was an enslaved person who worked at the Athens Manufacturing Company.

University of Georgia Demosthenian Society Meeting Minutes, 1829-1839

Demosthenian Society hiring Sam, an enslaved man, to sweep the hall and light fires. Partial transcript: "committee appointed by the President to see Negro Sam and find out for what wages he would agree to keep the hall swept and fire's made and reported through their chairman. They had seen Sam, who had agreed to do the duties above mentioned for one dollar pr. month. A proposition was then made by some member present to accept Sam's proposals. On being put to the house it met with approval."

Demosthenian Society considering hiring Sam to maintain their meeting space. Partial transcript: "appoint a committee, who should confer with Negro Sam formerly waiter on this Hall, as to hiring his services per month to attend to Hall."

The Demosthenian Society decreased Sam's pay for domestic work due to a decrease in student enrollment. Partial transcript: "the com. appointed to investigate the case of Demosthenian Society against negro boy Sam, reported said negro boy has agreed to diminish his charges against the society for attendance on Hall, to $7.00/1.00 per annum a year in consequence of reduction of students"

The oldest student organization at the University, founded in 1803 by the first graduating class of Franklin College including Augustine Clayton, William Rutherford, and James Jackson.

The Demosthenian Society diminished Sam's pay for domestic work. Partial transcript: "It was moved that the Treasurer be empowered to buy a new bucket and to diminish Sam's pay, as he is very negligent in his duty."

University of Georgia Demosthenian Society Meeting Minutes, 1860-1867

Dunmon, an man enslaved by Sarah Harris, was offered for hire to the Board of Trustees. Partial Transcript: "General Harris, laid on the table a note addressed to him from Mrs. Sarah Harris, in relation to the hire of her man Dunmon which was referred for settlement to the Prudential Committee."

Dunmon was enslaved by Sarah Harris.

Hank [Cameron] (born about 1831-1836) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Virge [Cameron] (born about 1831-1836) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Nathan [Cameron] (born about 1826-1831) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Caroline [Cameron] (born about 1786-1791) was an enslaved Black woman, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Amey [Cameron] (born about 1836-1840) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Silva [Cameron] (born about 1836-1840) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Delia [Cameron] (born about 1831-1836) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Huck [Cameron] (born about 1831-1836) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Lizzy [Cameron] (born about 1806-1811) was an enslaved Black woman, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

John [Cameron] (born about 1806-1811) was an enslaved Black man, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Agry [Cameron] (born about 1836-1841) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

Bryan [Cameron] (born about 1840-1841) was an enslaved Black child, whose name appears in a list of enslaved persons claimed in ownership by white enslaver, Duncan Cameron (1777-1853), in Raleigh  

John Winn (April 25, 1789 - September 18, 1844) was a farmer, lawyer, captain in the War of 1812, and agent for General John Hartwell Cocke. Winn also served as member in the Virginia House of Delegates (1828-1830). He leased enslaved labor from white enslavers.

A letter from white enslaver Edmund Bacon to University Proctor Arthur S. Brockenbrough dated December 16, 1821, discusses the possibility of Wilson, Isham, John, and Lewis being allowed to return home to visit their wives during the course of the year they were to be contracted to labor at the University of Virginia. Bacon writes, “I have consented that if the men can make arrangements with you about comeing [sic] to see their wives that you may take the whole four at $70 round…”

A letter from white enslaver Edmund Bacon to University Proctor Arthur S. Brockenbrough dated December 16, 1821, discusses the possibility of Lewis, Isham, John, and Wilson being allowed to return home to visit their wives during the course of the year they were to be contracted to labor at the University of Virginia. Bacon writes, “I have consented that if the men can make arrangements with you about comeing [sic] to see their wives that you may take the whole four at $70 round…”

A letter from white enslaver Edmund Bacon to University Proctor Arthur S. Brockenbrough dated December 16, 1821, discusses the possibility of John, Isham, Lewis, and Wilson being allowed to return home to visit their wives during the course of the year they were to be contracted to labor at the University of Virginia. Bacon writes, “I have consented that if the men can make arrangements with you about comeing [sic] to see their wives that you may take the whole four at $70 round…”

A letter from white enslaver Edmund Bacon to University Proctor Arthur S. Brockenbrough dated December 16, 1821, discusses the possibility of Isham, John, Lewis, and Wilson being allowed to return home to visit their wives during the course of the year they were to be contracted to labor at the University of Virginia. Bacon writes, “I have consented that if the men can make arrangements with you about comeing [sic] to see their wives that you may take the whole four at $70 round…”

Cooke (given name unknown) was a student at the University of Virginia and a resident of Hotel E, run by hotelkeeper and white enslaver Sarah Carter Gray. An entry recorded in Faculty Minutes, February 3, 1834, notes that Cooke complained about the labor of William, a man claimed in ownership by Gray.

Triplett (given name unknown) was a student at the University of Virginia and a resident of Hotel E, run by hotelkeeper and white enslaver Sarah Carter Gray. An entry recorded in Faculty Minutes, February 3, 1834, notes that Triplett complained about the labor of William, a man claimed in ownership by Gray.

Irwin (given name unknown) was a student at the University of Virginia and a resident of Hotel E, run by hotelkeeper and white enslaver Sarah Carter Gray. An entry recorded in Faculty Minutes, February 3, 1834, notes that Irwin complained about the labor of William, a man claimed in ownership by Gray.

C. H. Randolph was a student at the University of Virginia and a resident of Hotel E, run by hotelkeeper and white enslaver Sarah Carter Gray. An entry recorded in Faculty Minutes, February 3, 1834, notes that Randolph complained about the labor of William, a man claimed in ownership by Gray.

Charles Ellis (March 28, 1817 - July 20, 1900) was a University of Virginia student (1834-1835) and resident of Hotel E. Ellis was born to parents Margaret Keeling Nimmo Ellis (1790-1877) and Charles Ellis (1772-1840) in Richmond, Virginia, and he was a childhood friend of Edgar Allen Poe (1809-1849). Later in life, he served as president of the Richmond & Petersburg Railroad.

Horace B. Bibb was a man, likely a lawyer, who was known to work with University of Virginia professor and white enslaver John Staige Davis in human trafficking and enslavement. A letter from Davis to "H. B. Bibb, Esq.," January 17, 1860, concerns Bibb's efforts to "to procure ... a suitable home" for an enslaved woman named Agnes on behalf of Davis and white enslaver Elizabeth Govan Hill. This letter is in the Papers of John Staige Davis, MSS 1912.

James Crawford was a man who likely worked as an overseer for white enslaver Elizabeth Govan Hill. In a letter dated December 12, 1861, white enslaver John Staige Davis asks James Crawford for "the hires" of two men including Harry who were claimed in ownership by Hill. This letter is located in the Papers of John Staige Davis, MSS 1912/2842.

" paid for taking Edmon to Lynchg.

" paid for Negro blankets

" paid for burying Tom 288

" paid for clothes for Isaac 286

" paid for coffin, T. Bowyer 284

" paid for Clothing Milly

" Cash of J. Jordan for Dany & interest

" Cash of N. Jones ex. bal price Peter & interest

Negro hire due 31 Dec. 1831 Mers. E. Woodson Claibourn

Negro hire due 31 Dec. 1831 Elisha Paxton Peter P.

Negro hire due 31 Dec. 1831 John Irvine Robert

Negro hire due 31 Dec. 1831 Chl. Varner Reuben