Rutgers-Aggregation

Items

• 1730, Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, Sale

  According to Ukawsaw Gronniosaw's autobiography, the Rev. Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen purchased Gronniosaw from his former enslaver named Vanhorn for 50 pounds. As the result of this sale, Gronniosaw moved from Vanhorn's household in New York City to Frelinghuysen's home in Raritan, New Jersey. See p. 12 in Gronniosaw's book: "Mr. Freelandhouse, a very gracious, good Minister, heard it, and he took a great deal of notice of me, and desired my master to part with me to him. He would not hear of it at first, but, being greatly persuaded, he let me go, and Mr. Freelandhouse gave £50. for me."
• 1747, Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, Manumission

  According to Ukawsaw Gronniosaw's autobiography, the Rev. Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen manumitted Gronniosaw in his will and also left him 10 pounds. At the time of Frelinghuysen's death around 1747, Gronniosaw had been enslaved in the Frelinghuysen household for nearly two decades. After his manumission, Gronniosaw continued working for the Frelinghuysen family as a servant for several years. See p. 18-19 in Gronniosaw's book: "my temporal comforts were all blasted by the death of my dear and worthy Master Mr. Freelandhouse, who was taken from this world rather suddenly: he had but a short illness, and died of a fever. I held his hand in mine, when he departed; he told me he had given me my freedom. I was at liberty to go where I would.--He added that he had always pray'd for me and hop'd I should be kept unto the end. My master left me by his will ten pounds, and my freedom."
• 1752, Unnamed African man [Livingston], Freedom seeking (Resistance)

  In November 1752, slave trader Philip Livingston offered a reward of 3 pounds for the capture of an African man who escaped from Livingston in New York City. The man did not speak any English or Dutch (the primary European languages in eighteen-century New York) because he was only recently brought to New York City from Africa. This incident took place 14 years before Philip Livingston would became a charter trustee of Queen's College. The advertisement offered a description of the man's African hairstyle: "his hair or wool is curled in locks, in a very remarkable manner." Livingston also referred to the man as a "a very likely lusty fellow." In eighteenth-century America, the term "likely" meant good looking, while the term "lusty" meant healthy and vigorous. Thus the words "a very likely lusty fellow" suggest that the freedom seeker was a strong and healthy man in the prime of his life. Livingston supposed that the freedom seeker made his way toward the woods near Harlem, which was at that time a small village north of New York City on the Island of Manhattan (the Harlem area has since then been incorporated into New York City as a neighborhood north of Central Park). The following is a transcript of the advertisement from the New-York Gazette issue of November 6, 1752: "Run away from Philip Livingson [sic], of New York, on the 28th of October last; a Negro Man, lately imported from Africa, his Hair or wool is curled in locks, in a very remarkable manner; he is a very likely lusty fellow, and cannot speak a word of English, or Dutch, or any other language but that of his own country. He was seen last Monday on New York Island, and is supposed now to be in the Woods near Harlem. whoever takes up said Fellow, and delivers him to his said master shall receive THREE POUNDS as a reward, from PHILIP LIVINGSTON."
• 1763, Phill, Freedom seeking (Resistance)

  Phill, a Black woman or girl, ran away from Samuel Hallett of Hallett's Cove (present-day Astoria, Queens, New York) around June 1763. Her age at the time of this event is unknown. Phill's primary enslaver was James Neilson of New Brunswick, New Jersey, and it is unclear how long Phill was living with or working for Samuel Hallett in New York prior to her escape. A runaway advertisement offering a reward of twenty shillings for Phill's capture and return was published in the newspaper called The New-York Gazette, or, the Weekly Post-Boy on June 16, 1763. In addition to Samuel Hallett and James Neilson, the ad mentioned that Phill could be brought to James Abeel in New York if she was captured. James Abeel was the husband of James Neilson's niece Gertrude Neilson Abeel, and evidently he was ready to assist James Neilson in capturing Phill. The full text of the runaway ad follows below: "RUN away, last Night, from Samuel Hallett, of Hallett's Cove, a Negro Girl, named Phill, belonging to James Neilson, Esq; of New-Brunswick, about five Feet high, well made, and pretty Black. Whoever will take up and secure the said Wench, or bring her to said Hallett, or James Abeel, in New-York, or to her said Master, at New-Brunswick, shall receive TWENTY SHILLINGS Reward, and all reasonable Charges, by either of the above mentioned Persons."
• 1772, Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, Autobiography

  Ukawsaw Gronniosaw published his autobiography in approximately 1772 in England where he lived by this time as a free man. In his book, he recounted the details of his life, including his years in slavery in the Raritan River Valley in New Jersey. The title of the book is: A Narrative of the Most Remarkable Particulars in the Life of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African Prince, As related by Himself. This is one of the earliest autobiographies published by a formerly enslaved person.
• 1775, Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, Death

  Ukawsaw Gronniosaw died on September 28, 1775, several years after publishing his autobiography where he recounted his life in slavery in the home of the Rev. Theodorus Jacobs Frelinghuysen in the Raritan River Valley in New Jersey. Gronniosaw was approximately 65 to 70 years old when he died. The following is the complete text of Gronniosaw's obituary published on October 2, 1775, in the newspaper called Chester Chronicle, or, Commercial Intelligencer: "On Thursday died, in this city, aged 70, James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African prince, of Zoara. He left the country in the early part of his life, with a view to acquire proper notions of the Divine Being, and the worship due to Him. He met with many trials and embarrassments, was much afflicted and persecuted. His last moments exhibited that cheerful serenity which, at such a time, is the certain effect of a thorough conviction of the great truths of Christianity. He published a narrative of his life."
• 1777, Unnamed Black man [Hardenbergh], Mention

  Rev. Jacob Rutsen Hardenbergh (1736-1790), first president of Queen's College (later Rutgers), mentioned a Black man in a letter to his father Col. Johannes Hardenbergh (1706-1786) written on December 6, 1777. The letter was sent from Hardenbergh's parsonage in Raritan (present-day Somerville), and was likely sent to Rosendale, NY, where his father lived. Written in Dutch, the letter states "Schrijve dese wynige in haast, wijl de neger gereet maakt om af te gaan." The English translation is: "Writing these words in a hurry while the negro is getting ready to leave." These words most likely refer to an enslaved Black man who was working at Hardenbergh's parsonage at this time; the man's name is not recorded.
• 1777, Unnamed Black man captured from the enemy [Neilson], Sale

  On November 30, 1777, Thomas Bullman issued a receipt to Colonel John Neilson (1745-1833) for 55 pounds for the sale of an enslaved Black man at public auction. The name of this Black man was not recorded on the receipt, but the document mentioned that the man was "taken from the enemy" and then sold at public vendue (i.e. auction). The receipt was issued in Elizabethtown. Neilson probably became the man's new legal owner; however, the receipt does not clarify whether Neilson purchased the man for himself or for someone else. Other archival documents from the Revolutionary War era in the Neilson Family Papers indicate that John Neilson bought and sold enslaved people during the war for himself and for others. This document was issued during the Revolutionary War, and the Black man mentioned had been captured by the New Jersey militia from the enemy, i.e. from a Loyalist enslaver. During the war, the New Jersey militia routinely captured enslaved men and women who belonged to Loyalist enslavers in New York and New Jersey. The Patriots typically sold these enslaved persons to the highest bidder at a public auction to raise money for the war effort. --- The following is a full transcript of the receipt: [FRONT] Elizh Town } 
Novr 30th 1777 } Receiv’d of Col John Neilson Fifty-five Pounds for a negro Man taken from the the Enemy & Sold Of Publick Vendue this Day — 
Thos. Bullman
 
Rec-d 30th Novr. 1777 of Col Neilson Four pounds four Shillings for 2 Handkerchiefs. bougt. at Vendue by Col Runyon 
Thos. Bullman
 [BACK] 
Bullman paid 
For Negro & handfs
 30 Nov 1777
• 1785, Tony, Will

  The will of the Rev. Israel Read (pastor of the Bound Brook Presbyterian Church) was written on December 1, 1785, in Piscataway, NJ. The will abstract mentions several enslaved persons, including a man named Toone (referred to as Tony in other archival documents): "Negro man, Toone, to be kept by sons." The sons of Israel Read were named Thomas and Archibald.
• 1787, Ann, Sale

  Anthony L. Bleecker, a merchant in New York City, sells to John Neilson an enslaved woman named Flora and her two female children Phillis and Ann for 120 New York pounds. The Bill of Sale was signed by Anthony L. Bleecker on January 31, 1787 and was witnessed by Leon Bleecker and Jas. Bleecker.
• 1787, Bell, Manumission

  William Livingston manumitted Bell and her son Lambert in October 1787. The manumission took place in Elizabeth, NJ. Livingston, who increasingly embraced abolitionist ideas after the Revolution, noted that he made the decision to manumit Bell and Lambert due to his "regard for the natural liberties of mankind" and that he aimed to "set the example" for other enslavers in the hopes that his "voluntary manumission of Slaves, may have any influence on others." The following is a transcript of the Bill of Manumission signed by William Livingston in October 1787: "October [1 – 31] 1787 Know all Men by these presents that I William Livingston of the Borough of Elizabeth in the County of Essex & State of New Jersey, in consideration of my regard for the natural liberties of mankind, & in order to set the example as far as my voluntary manumission of Slaves, may have any influence on others have manumitted emancipated and set at Liberty & Do by these presents manumit emancipate & set at Liberty a certain Negro woman slave called Bell and also her male child called Lambert both born in my family in a state of slavery & do hereby release acquit & discharge the said Bell and her child from any services to me or my representatives as fully & effectually to the extent & purposes whatsoever as if they had been born first free. It witness thereof I have hereunto set my hand & seal this [ ] day of October in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred & eighty seven."
• 1787, Flora, Sale

  Anthony L. Bleecker, a merchant in New York City, sells to John Neilson an enslaved woman named Flora and her two female children Phillis and Ann for 120 New York pounds. The Bill of Sale was signed by Anthony L. Bleecker on January 31, 1787 and was witnessed by Leon Bleecker and Jas. Bleecker.
• 1787, Lambert, Manumission

  William Livingston manumitted Bell and her son Lambert in October 1787. The manumission took place in Elizabeth, NJ. Livingston, who increasingly embraced abolitionist ideas after the Revolution, noted that he made the decision to manumit Bell and Lambert due to his "regard for the natural liberties of mankind" and that he aimed to "set the example" for other enslavers in the hopes that his "voluntary manumission of Slaves, may have any influence on others." The following is a transcript of the Bill of Manumission signed by William Livingston in October 1787: "October [1 – 31] 1787 Know all Men by these presents that I William Livingston of the Borough of Elizabeth in the County of Essex & State of New Jersey, in consideration of my regard for the natural liberties of mankind, & in order to set the example as far as my voluntary manumission of Slaves, may have any influence on others have manumitted emancipated and set at Liberty & Do by these presents manumit emancipate & set at Liberty a certain Negro woman slave called Bell and also her male child called Lambert both born in my family in a state of slavery & do hereby release acquit & discharge the said Bell and her child from any services to me or my representatives as fully & effectually to the extent & purposes whatsoever as if they had been born first free. It witness thereof I have hereunto set my hand & seal this [ ] day of October in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred & eighty seven."
• 1787, Phillis Neilson, Sale

  Anthony L. Bleecker, a merchant in New York City, sells to John Neilson an enslaved woman named Flora and her two female children Phillis and Ann for 120 New York pounds. The Bill of Sale was signed by Anthony L. Bleecker on January 31, 1787 and was witnessed by Leon Bleecker and Jas. Bleecker.
• 1792, Sam, Freedom seeking (Resistance)

  Sam, an 18-year-old Black man, ran away from enslaver James Stevenson of Amwell, Hunterdon County, on April 24, 1792. James Stevenson published a runaway ad offering a reward of $8 for Sam's capture. The ad provided a description of Sam's appearance, scars, and clothing. The following is a transcript of the ad: "Eight Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber the 24th inst. a Negro Boy named Sam, eighteen years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, had on when he went away, a wool hat, sailor coat, waistcoat, and trowsers, all grey linsey, stript linsey shirt, grey stockings, old shoes, a remarkable scar on one of his legs; any person apprehending said negro and securing him so that his master may get him again, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid by me, JAMES STEVENSON. Amwell, Hunterdon County, April 27, 1792."
• 1793, Jef, Sale

  Mr. Mattison of Princeton sold Jef to one Mr. Kelsey for the sum of 90 pounds when Jef was aged approximately 21 or younger. Subsequently, the sale was reversed and Jef was returned to Mattison's household at the request of Mr. Mattison's wife. The date of this sale event is unknown, but it occurred sometime before February 24, 1794, when Robert Finley of Princeton mentioned this situation in a letter to his friend Col. John Neilson of New Brunswick. Neilson had asked Finley about the possibility of purchasing Jef for 90 pounds. Finley wrote to Neilson about Jef: "He was once sold to Mr. Kelsey for the sum mentioned in your letter but taken back at the request of his present Mistress."
• 1794, Jef, Sale

  Correspondence between Col. John Neilson of New Brunswick and the Rev. Robert Finley of Princeton in February 1794 discussed Neilson's plans to purchase Jef from Mr. Mattison of Princeton for the sum of 90 pounds. It is unclear whether this sale was ever finalized. In a letter sent on February 25, 1794, Neilson asked his friend Finley to discreetly find out information about Jef's skills and character. Neilson sought information from someone other than Mr. Mattison and hoped to get an honest assessment of Jef's personality and habits. On February 27, 1794, Finley sent a reply saying that he had asked around and obtained information from Samuel Snowden, who had lived with Mattison and was well acquainted with Jef. The name Samuel Snowden mentioned by Finley in the letter likely refers to the Rev. Samuel Finley Snowden (1767-1845), a Presbyterian minister who was studying theology in Princeton at the time and would become the pastor of the Princeton church in 1795. Finley's letter described Jef as a healthy and sober young man 21 years of age. Jef was skilled at tending a kitchen garden and had limited experience managing horses—an activity that he seemed to like. Finley also noted that Jef routinely left the household at night because he was lonely at Mattison's home. Most likely, this means that Jef was separated from his family at Mattison's and had to go outside of the household in order to see his loved ones. This was a common situation for enslaved young adults in New Jersey who often experienced isolation in white households and were at a considerable distance from their own family members. For the full transcript of the two letters, see the linked source documents.
• 1797, Sojourner Truth, Birth

  Sojourner Truth was born into bondage in Swartekill (near present-day Rifton), a hamlet in Hurley, Ulster County, New York. Her birth name was Isabella. Her parents were James and Betsy Baumfree, who were enslaved to Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. (1729-1799). Following New York law, Isabella inherited her mother's condition of unfreedom and was at the time of her birth deemed a slave of Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. ESTIMATING THE DATE OF SOJOURNER TRUTH'S BIRTH: The exact date of her birth is not known. Many secondary sources list her approximate year of birth as 1797. Comparing her book, The Narrative of Sojourner Truth (narrated to Olive Gilbert and first published in 1850), with archival sources that document the events of her childhood suggests that she may have been born in 1798 or in the first half of 1799. EXAMINING PASSAGES FROM THE NARRATIVE OF SOJOURNER TRUTH: "THE subject of this biography, Sojourner Truth, as she now calls herself, but whose name originally was Isabella, was the daughter of James and Betsey, slaves of one Col. Ardinburgh, Hurley, Ulster County, N. Y. Sojourner does not know in what year she was born, but knows she was liberated under the act of 1817, which freed all slaves who were forty years old and upward. Ten thousand slaves were then set at liberty. Those under forty years of age were retained in servitude ten years longer, when all were emancipated." (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 13) In 1799, New York State began to gradually abolish slavery. The Act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery went into effect on July 4, 1799. The law stipulated that a daughter born to an enslaved mother after July 4, 1799, would not inherit the condition of permanent enslavement, but rather would become free after serving her mother's master for 25 years (sons had to serve for 28 years before they could become free). Evidently, Sojourner Truth did not benefit from this law. We know Truth inherited her mother's condition of enslavement, and thus we must assume that Truth was born before July 4, 1799. As Truth's narrative recalls, she expected to gain freedom under the Gradual Emancipation Law of 1817, which stipulated that enslaved individuals born before July 4, 1799, would be emancipated on July 4, 1827. "Of her first master, she can give no account, as she must have been a mere infant when he died; and she with her parents and some ten or twelve other fellow human chattels, became the legal property of his son, Charles Ardinburgh." (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 13) Truth recounted that she was an infant when Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. passed away. Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. passed away in 1799. "Isabella and Peter, her youngest brother, remained, with their parents, the legal property of Charles Ardinburgh till his decease, which took place when Isabella was near nine years old." (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 17) "At this memorable time, Isabella was struck off, for the sum of one hundred dollars, to one John Nealy, of Ulster County, New York; and she has an impression that in this sale she was connected with a lot of sheep. She was now nine years of age, and her trials in life may be dated from this period. She says, with emphasis, 'Now the war begun.'" (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 26) Truth recalled being sold at auction at the age of 9, a sale that was precipitated by the death of her second enslaver Charles Hardenbergh. This is one of the most vivid memories of her childhood. Charles Hardenbergh died in early 1808.
• 1798, Tony, Sale

  On April 24, 1798, Thomas Read and Archibald Read sold a Black man named Tony to John Neilson of New Brunswick, NJ, for a term of 5 years. John Neilson paid 100 dollars for Tony (50 dollars to each of Tony's two sellers). Tony was an adult at this time, but his age was not recorded in the relevant documents. The sellers were the sons of the late Rev. Israel Read (late long-time pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Bound Brook in Somerset County), and they had inherited Tony from their father when he passed away in 1793. Where exactly Tony lived between 1793 and this sale in 1798 is unclear. The Read brothers grew up in Bound Brook, but Dr. Thomas Read lived in Montgomery County in upstate New York in 1798. He personally came to New Brunswick to sign the sale documents. Archibald Read probably also lived outside of the area by 1798 because he did not personally appear at the sale. Archibald had the executor of his father's estate, Dr. Moses Scott, sign the documents and accept the payment on his behalf. As the result of this sale, Tony would go to live with John Neilson in New Brunswick. Two archival documents pertaining to the sale were preserved in the Neilson Family Papers. Both documents were dated April 24, 1798. In the documents, the sellers' family name is variously spelled Read or Reed, and the name of the enslaved man is variously written as Tony or Tone. The first document is an indenture for Tony, an agreement between the sellers Thomas Read and Archibald Read (signed by Moses Scott on Archibald's behalf) and the buyer John Neilson. This indenture was witnessed by Judge Elijah Phillips and Joseph W. Scott. The indenture stated that Tony was sold for a period of 5 years from the date of the sale. The indenture did not explicitly state what would happen to Tony after the 5-year term, but it said that Thomas and Archibald "divest themselves of all right & title in the said negro man Tony." This seems to imply that Tony was supposed to gain freedom at the expiration of the 5-year term in 1803 and would not return to the Read family. The second document is a certification of Tony's consent to be sold to John Neilson for the 5-year term. This certification was signed by Elijah Phillips, Judge of the Common Pleas for Middlesex County, who noted that Tony personally appeared before him and agreed to the terms of the sale. See the linked sources for the complete transcripts of the documents.
• 1799, Sojourner Truth, Transfer

  In 1799, when Sojourner Truth was an infant, her first enslaver Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. (1729-1799) died. Johannes Hardenbergh Jr.'s son Charles Hardenbergh inherited Sojourner Truth and her parents James and Betsey Baumfree as part of the Hardenbergh estate. At the time of this event, Sojourner Truth's name was Isabella. RELEVANT PASSAGE FROM THE NARRATIVE OF SOJOURNER TRUTH: "Of her first master, she can give no account, as she must have been a mere infant when he died; and she with her parents and some ten or twelve other fellow human chattels, became the legal property of his son, Charles Ardinburgh." (p. 13)
• 1800, Unnamed Black woman [Hardenbergh], Appeal (Resistance)

  Jacob Rutsen Hardenbergh Jr. (1768-1841) advertised a 35-year-old black woman for sale in Somerville, NJ. The ad was first issued on December 16, 1800, and ran for at least 3 months until March 1801, in the local New Brunswick newspaper called the Guardian, Or, New-Brunswick Advertiser. Hardenbergh was the Secretary of the Board of Trustees of Queen's College (later Rutgers) at the time when he placed this ad. The ad noted that the woman was a cook and was being "sold for no other reason than being dissatisfied with the place of her master’s residence." This suggests a possible act of resistance on the part of the woman; perhaps she appealed to Hardenbergh to sell her to a more favorable location so she could be closer to family. Hardenbergh grew up in Somerville (at the historic site now known as the Old Dutch Parsonage), but he moved to New Brunswick in the late 18th century, and perhaps his move disrupted this woman's family life. The following is a transcript of the ad, as printed in the March 27, 1801, issue of the newspaper: "FOR SALE BY the subscriber, a Negro wench, of about thirty five years of age, a good cook, sober and honest, sold for no other reason than being dissatisfied with the place of her master’s residence. Apply to JACOB R. HARDENBERGH. Somerville, Dec. 16, 1800."
• 1800, Unnamed Black woman [Hardenbergh], Sale

  Jacob Rutsen Hardenbergh Jr. (1768-1841) advertised a 35-year-old black woman for sale in Somerville, NJ. The ad was first issued on December 16, 1800, and ran for at least 3 months until March 1801, in the local New Brunswick newspaper called the Guardian, Or, New-Brunswick Advertiser. Hardenbergh was the Secretary of the Board of Trustees of Queen's College (later Rutgers) at the time when he placed this ad. The ad noted that the woman was a cook and was being "sold for no other reason than being dissatisfied with the place of her master’s residence." This suggests a possible act of resistance on the part of the woman; perhaps she appealed to Hardenbergh to sell her to a more favorable location so she could be closer to family. Hardenbergh grew up in Somerville (at the historic site now known as the Old Dutch Parsonage), but he moved to New Brunswick in the late 18th century, and perhaps his move disrupted this woman's family life. The following is a transcript of the ad, as printed in the March 27, 1801, issue of the newspaper: "FOR SALE BY the subscriber, a Negro wench, of about thirty five years of age, a good cook, sober and honest, sold for no other reason than being dissatisfied with the place of her master’s residence. Apply to JACOB R. HARDENBERGH. Somerville, Dec. 16, 1800."
• 1802, Sarah, Manumission

  Sarah was manumitted by Andrew Kirkpatrick (1756-1831) of North Brunswick, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by the Overseer of the Poor of North Brunswick (John Van Nuis) and Justices of the Peace for Middlesex County (Abraham Schuyler, Elijah Phillips) on July 3, 1802. The document stated that Sarah was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was 21 to 40 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. Sarah's exact age was not recorded in the document. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk (William P. Deare) on July 7, 1802. Andrew Kirkpatrick was a prominent Queen's College / Rutgers trustee and benefactor.
• 1805, Phebe-Gertruda, Birth

  Middlesex County Births of Enslaved Children book contains the following record: Page: 8 Child: Phebe-Gertruda Mother: Nancy Enslaver of mother and child: Gertrude Parker, Executrix of the estate of James Parker Sr. Location: Perth Amboy, NJ Birth date: April 27, 1805 Reported date: September 27, 1805 Clerk: William Philips Deare The following is a complete transcript of the document: "Phebe-Gertruda / I do hereby certify that a female child called Phebe-Gertruda was born of a black woman called Nancy belonging to the estate of James Parker dec’d. On Saturday the twenty seventh day of April last. In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand at Perth Amboy in the County of Middlesex this twenty seventh day of September one thousand eight hundred and five. Gertrude Parker Executrix of James Parker decd Recorded Oct. 5th 1805."
• 1806, William, Manumission

  William was manumitted by Cortland L. Parker of Perth Amboy, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by two Overseers of the Poor of Perth Amboy (James Compton, William Cross) and two Magistrates of the City of Perth Amboy (Recorder James Parker and Alderman John Angus) on March 1, 1806. The document stated that William was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was 21 to 40 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. William's exact age was not recorded in the document. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk (William P. Deare) on March 11, 1806.